- A continuing resolution (CR) temporarily funds the government at prior-year spending levels when Congress can't pass full appropriations — CRs have become the default operating mode of the federal budget
- Congress has passed all 12 appropriations bills on time only four times since 1977 (1977, 1989, 1995, 1997) — in all other years, at least one CR was needed
- CRs generally prevent new programs from starting and don't allow agencies to significantly expand existing operations — they are a fiscal straitjacket that delays priorities for both parties
- In 2025, DOGE cutting programs while CRs funded them at prior levels created an impoundment standoff — the executive was withholding money Congress had appropriated, generating legal challenges
Types of Continuing Resolutions
| Type | Duration | What It Does |
|---|---|---|
| Short-Term CR | Days to weeks | Buys time for negotiations; often used repeatedly as a chain |
| Long-Term CR | Several months | Funds government at prior-year levels through a defined date; may include some new provisions |
| Full-Year CR | Entire fiscal year | Funds government at prior-year levels for the whole year; considered a failure of regular order |
| Omnibus + CR | Passes mid-year | Packages all remaining appropriations bills together; often passed months late after CRs expire |
CRs and the 2025-26 Budget Wars
DOGE's spending cuts created a constitutional tension with continuing resolutions: CRs fund agencies at prior-year levels, but DOGE was impounding or canceling funds within those appropriations. Courts issued injunctions arguing the executive cannot simply refuse to spend what Congress has appropriated. The tension between legislative appropriations power and executive spending discretion defined the 2025 fiscal year.
In recent years, CRs have become negotiating leverage: one faction threatens to vote against a CR unless their demands are met, forcing a shutdown or last-minute cave. House Freedom Caucus members shut down the government in 2023 by opposing a CR backed by Speaker McCarthy, leading to his removal. In 2025, House conservatives used CR votes to pressure leadership on DOGE-related spending cuts.
The 12-bill appropriations process died for practical purposes because the parties cannot agree on spending levels or policy riders, and because leadership has little ability to deliver votes for full-year bills on individual agencies. The Senate filibuster means any appropriations bill needs 60 votes. The result is a permanent CR culture where the government muddles through on autopilot while actual budgeting is deferred to a crisis point.
Frequently Asked Questions
What happens during a government shutdown?
When appropriations lapse and no CR is in place, the Antideficiency Act prohibits most government spending. Non-essential workers are furloughed without pay; essential workers (military, air traffic controllers, border agents) continue working but without pay until the shutdown ends. National parks close, visa processing slows, and government contracts are delayed. Workers are typically paid retroactively after a shutdown ends, but the economic disruption is real. The longest shutdown in US history was 35 days from December 2018 to January 2019.
What is an omnibus spending bill?
An omnibus is a single large bill that packages multiple appropriations bills — sometimes all 12 — together. Congress increasingly uses omnibus bills because they are harder to vote against (shutting down everything vs. one agency) and easier to pass as a package deal. Critics from both parties argue omnibus bills are thousands of pages long, passed with little review, and loaded with unrelated policy riders that would never pass as standalone legislation.
Can a CR be filibustered in the Senate?
Yes. CRs and appropriations bills are subject to the Senate filibuster, requiring 60 votes to proceed to a vote. This is why CRs need bipartisan support in the Senate — a simple majority is not enough. In practice, both parties have allowed most CRs to pass because the alternative is a shutdown that both sides typically view as politically damaging. But credible threats to block a CR have been used repeatedly as negotiating leverage.
