- Ohio Supreme Court struck down GOP congressional maps 7 times — the most sustained judicial rejection of gerrymandering in a single cycle in U.S. history.
- Alabama Allen v. Milligan (5-4 SCOTUS): Alabama's 27% Black voting-age share required a second majority-Black congressional district, the most significant VRA redistricting ruling in a decade.
- The post-2020 cycle's defining pattern: unprecedented partisan gerrymandering extremes met unprecedented judicial intervention, producing maps more competitive than the originals but still biased.
- Current maps are locked in for 2026; next redistricting cycle follows the 2030 census — 2026 operates entirely within the post-2020 judicial settlement.
The Redistricting Landscape: State by State
The post-2020 redistricting cycle was distinctive in two ways: aggressive partisan gerrymandering reached new extremes in states where one party controlled the process, and judicial intervention — including from state supreme courts and the U.S. Supreme Court — struck down more maps than any previous cycle. The net result for 2026 is a House map that is more competitive than the original partisan gerrymanders would have produced, but still contains significant partisan bias in states like Georgia, Texas, and Florida where Republican-drawn maps survived legal challenges.
Key Redistricting Outcomes by State — 2026 Impact
Ohio: Protracted Map Fight and Its Resolution
Ohio voters passed anti-redistricting provisions in 2015 and 2018 with large majorities, creating the seven-judge Ohio Redistricting Commission and requiring maps that do not unduly favor one party. The commission, dominated by Republicans, repeatedly drew maps that the Ohio Supreme Court struck down for partisan violation. The impasse resulted from a practical problem: the Ohio Supreme Court could not enforce its rulings because the U.S. Supreme Court declined to intervene, and Ohio Republicans calculated correctly that the 2022 election would proceed under their preferred maps regardless. For 2024 and 2026, Ohio operates under negotiated maps that preserve some competitive districts but remain R-favorable.
Alabama VRA Victory: What Allen v. Milligan Changed
The Allen v. Milligan ruling (2023) preserved Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act as a constraint on racial gerrymandering. Alabama's original map concentrated Black voters into a single congressional district (AL-07) while packing just enough into adjacent districts to dilute their influence. The Supreme Court's 5-4 ruling (Chief Justice Roberts joined the four liberal justices) required Alabama to create a second Black-opportunity district. The ruling also affected Louisiana and Georgia, where similar VRA challenges produced additional majority-minority districts in 2024. These new districts are in effect for 2026, directly adding approximately 2-3 Black-plurality seats to the competitive map.
Independent Commissions: The Michigan and California Model
Michigan and California use independent redistricting commissions whose members are selected through a citizen application process rather than political appointment. Michigan's commission, created by ballot initiative in 2018, drew maps for 2022 that produced one of the most competitive state congressional delegations in the country. The Michigan model is held up by reformers as the gold standard for reducing partisan bias in redistricting. California's commission, established in 2008, similarly produces maps that are less biased than legislative-drawn alternatives, though critics note that California's partisan composition means even neutral maps produce overwhelmingly Democratic delegations.
Frequently Asked Questions
Can redistricting happen between census cycles?
Yes. Texas famously redistricted mid-decade in 2003 under Tom DeLay's leadership, drawing new maps despite having redistricted after the 2000 census. The Supreme Court ruled in Rucho v. Common Cause (2019) that federal courts cannot intervene in partisan gerrymandering cases, which removed a major constraint on mid-decade redistricting. However, state courts can still strike down mid-decade maps under state constitutional provisions. Several states have considered mid-decade redistricting following court rulings that altered their post-2020 maps.
What is the Voting Rights Act and how does Section 2 protect minority voters?
The Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA) prohibits voting practices that discriminate based on race. Section 2 prohibits any practice that results in the denial or abridgment of the right to vote on account of race — it applies nationwide, not just to states previously covered by Section 5 (which was gutted by Shelby County v. Holder in 2013). Under Section 2 as interpreted in Allen v. Milligan, if a minority group is large enough to constitute a majority in a reasonably drawn district, and if that group votes cohesively, and if the majority typically votes as a bloc to defeat the minority's preferred candidate, then the state must create a majority-minority district unless mitigated by special circumstances.
When is the next redistricting cycle?
The next redistricting cycle follows the 2030 census. New maps drawn after 2030 would be in effect for the 2032 elections. The 2030 cycle will also reapportion House seats based on population shifts — early demographic projections suggest continued growth in Sun Belt states (Texas, Florida, Arizona, North Carolina) and potential losses in Rust Belt and northeastern states (New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Illinois). The redistricting commission model adopted by several states in the 2020s may spread further, as voter initiative campaigns continue in states without independent redistricting.
