- 18% of Americans express agreement with some form of political violence to achieve political goals — elevated from pre-2016 baselines of approximately 8-10%, and stable rather than declining since the January 6 Capitol attack.
- January 6 remains a defining cultural reference point: majorities describe it as "an insurrection" or "a riot," but interpretations of severity and responsibility split sharply along partisan lines rather than converging around a shared factual baseline.
- Politically violent attitudes are concentrated in ideological extremes of both parties but skew more heavily toward partisan Republican media consumers in current polling — a finding that is itself politically contested and has generated significant methodological debate.
- Threat perception is bidirectional and inflated: both Democratic and Republican partisans substantially overestimate how many members of the other party hold violent or extreme views, creating mutual hostility that exceeds what direct measurement of actual views would support.
- The connection between attitudinal polling on political violence and actual behavioral propensity is contested: researchers disagree on whether high survey agreement reflects genuine intent, rhetorical alignment with an in-group, or measurement artifacts from how questions are worded.
Political Violence Attitudes: Trend Data 2020–2026
| Year | Violence 'Sometimes Justified' | Dem | GOP | Ind | Notable Event |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2020 | 8% | 6% | 10% | 8% | George Floyd protests / summer unrest |
| 2021 (Jan) | 11% | 9% | 13% | 10% | January 6 Capitol attack |
| 2021 (Dec) | 14% | 11% | 17% | 13% | Jan. 6 investigations ongoing |
| 2022 | 15% | 12% | 18% | 14% | Pelosi home attack / midterms |
| 2024 | 17% | 13% | 21% | 16% | Trump assassination attempts |
| 2026 | 18% | 14% | 22% | 17% | Second term, polarization deepens |
The 18% Finding: What It Means and What It Doesn’t
The finding that 18% of Americans say political violence is “sometimes justified” demands careful interpretation. It does not mean 18% of Americans are planning or actively supporting political violence. The phrasing “sometimes justified” in abstract surveys captures a heterogeneous group that includes principled political theorists who believe in resistance to tyranny, people who are expressing frustration or grievance rather than genuine violent intent, and a smaller core of people who have genuinely normalized political violence as a tool. Research by political scientists Robert Pape and Kevin Ruby, who have studied political violence attitudes extensively, found that the roughly 20 million Americans who both believed the 2020 election was stolen and supported the use of force to restore Trump to power represented a much more specific and concerning subgroup than the general 18% “sometimes justified” figure. The trend, however, is genuinely concerning on its own terms: the 18% in 2026 is more than double the 8% recorded in 2020, before the January 6 attack. The increase tracks with polarization metrics, with specific catalytic events (January 6 itself, the 2024 assassination attempts against Trump), and with declining democratic norm adherence in elite political rhetoric. Cross-nationally, political violence attitudes in the U.S. now exceed those measured in most other wealthy democracies, which historically have shown rates in the 6-10% range.
January 6 Legacy: How Americans Remember and What They Conclude
The January 6, 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol remains the most significant data point in any analysis of American political violence attitudes, and the partisan divergence in how it is remembered and characterized has itself become a measure of democratic health. In 2026 polling, 79% of Democrats and only 12% of Republicans describe January 6 as an insurrection. Forty-one percent of Republicans describe it as a “protest that got out of hand,” and 22% of Republicans say the people who entered the Capitol were “patriots.” This divergence is not primarily about factual dispute — the basic events were documented in real time and confirmed by subsequent congressional investigations — but about political framing and identity protection. For many Republican voters, accepting the insurrection framing implies accepting that their party’s leader incited a violent attack on democratic processes, a conclusion that is psychologically and politically costly to hold. The Trump\'s approval’s pardoning of January 6 defendants in January 2025, which was opposed by 58% of Americans including 31% of Republicans, further solidified the partisan narrative divergence. The political violence data connects to democracy polling: the 72% of Americans who say democracy is under threat in 2026 do not agree on who threatens it, with Republicans more likely to cite election fraud and government overreach while Democrats cite authoritarian executive power and political violence from the right.
What This Means for 2026
Political violence polling in 2026 is primarily a democracy-health indicator rather than a direct electoral driver, but the trends have measurable effects on institutional trust, voter motivation, and the behavior of election workers, local officials, and journalists who face threats. The 18% who say violence is sometimes justified represent both a genuine societal concern and a Republican mobilization vulnerability: Democrats can use political violence norms as a contrast issue in suburban and college-educated districts where democratic norm violation is salient.